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Rüland, Jürgen (2019): Old Wine in New Bottles? How Competitive Connectivity Revitalises an Obsolete Development Agenda in Asia. In: Journal of Contemporary Asia, 1-13.

In Asia connectivityis celebrated as a panacea to kick-start rapid economic growth in the regions less developed countries. In the process, China and Japan, but also India, Thailand and South Korea, have become major donors and investors in physical infrastructure. While infrastructure is an important facilitator of economic growth, it must be sustainable. This commentary argues that this is not the case in the current infrastructure drive. Many large-scale projects have unacceptably high social costs. This is due to the fact that in the implementation of connectivity schemes, Asian donors are guided by their experiences during their own phase of rapid development. These experiences are strongly influenced by the developmental state and authoritarian variants of modernisation theory. These are outdated concepts with the inherent danger of initiating a downward spiral in project quality, notwithstanding reassurances of the donors to be committed to quality infrastructure.


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Manea, Maria-Gabriela & Rüland, Jürgen (2019): The diffusion of parliamentary oversight: investigating the democratization of the armed forces in Indonesia and Nigeria. In: Contemporary Politics, 1-21.

Parliamentary control of the armed forces is a core norm of the liberal security sector reform paradigm. Western governments and transnational actors have spread this norm to democratizing states through financial and technical assistance. This article examines its diffusion to two new democracies of the Global South, Indonesia and Nigeria. Past research on civil-military relations has relied on historical and rationalist explanations of the ideational and institutional change. Employing diffusion theory, this article adopts an alternative approach. The findings display major differences while Nigerian reformers contented themselves with a mere mimicry of the externally propagated norm, the Indonesian contestation over parliamentary oversight has produces ‘constitutive localization’.


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Müller, Lukas Maximilian (2019): ASEAN centrality under threat - the cases of RCEP and connectivity. In: Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies, 1-22 .

This contribution takes stock of ASEAN centrality in trade and the emerging policy area of trade infrastructure, also known as connectivity. ASEAN centrality in the East Asian and Indo-Pacific regions has increasingly been called into question, but most studies have failed to specify what ASEAN centrality is and how it can be measured.

Outlining both a technical and a substantial definition, this study presents the state of affairs and current trends of ASEAN centrality in the areas of trade and connectivity. Disaggregating the concept, the paper assesses ASEAN’s role in the two policy areas as a leader, convener, convenience, and necessity.

ASEAN’s central position in trade is under threat due to a changing environment, with trade ties increasing between ASEAN’s partners. In addition, ASEAN leadership in the RCEP negotiations has been symbolic rather than substantial. In connectivity, ASEAN centrality is even more questionable. Its regional connectivity vision is contested by other states and relationships act as conduits for the exercise of power.

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Rüland, Jürgen (2019): From Trade to Investment. ASEAN and AFTA in Era of the "New Regionalism". In: Pacific Affairs, Vol. 92 (3): 533-540.

The article is part of the Pacific Affairs feature entitled “Enduring Issues, Changing Perspectives.” The feature revisits what can be claimed to be a “classic” article previously published in the journal, that has attracted significant attention. This article revisits Paul Bowles “ASEAN, AFTA and the ‘New Regionalism,’” published by Pacific Affairs in 1997. It reflects upon the article’s significance at the time it was published and how scholarship on the topic has developed and changed since then.

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Rüland, Jürgen (2019): Good global citizen? ASEAN's image building in the United Nations. In: Asia Pacific Business Review, Vol. 25 (5): 751-771 .

Based on role theory, the article examines the images that ASEAN member governments project of their organization. It rests on a discourse analysis of 198 speeches in the United Nations General Assembly between 1998 and 2017. Findings suggest that ASEAN does not figure as a top priority for delegates and that an overarching ASEAN role conception is missing. However, their addresses reveal parameters on which a collective role conception can be built. Individual ASEAN countries undertake great efforts to project themselves as ‘good global citizens,’ a role conception that could also be applied to ASEAN.

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Fünfgeld, Anna (2019): The Dream of ASEAN Connectivity: Imagining Infrastructure in Southeast Asia. In: Pacific Affairs, Vol 92 (2): 287-311.

Large-scale infrastructural development schemes are currently experiencinga worldwide political revival. Beyond establishing physical connections over distance, enhancing trade relations, and enabling service delivery, such schemes also play a central role in the construction of political entities. For the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), infrastructure development is crucial for the advancement of regional connectivity. Its Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) includes large-scale projects such as the trans-ASEAN highway, trans-regional power grids, and a regional gas pipeline network. Linking Henri Lefebvre’s conceptualization on the production of space with recent literature on the role of infrastructure imaginaries, this paper explores how the region’s future is envisioned in the Southeast Asian dream of connectivity. The study primarily relies on a hermeneutic analysis of video releases that promote the Master Plan. It shows that—similar to other infrastructure projects—the connectivity dream is closely related to imaginaries of movement and modernity. However, as it is almost exclusively an urban vision, the connectivity agenda seems not only to interconnect and homogenize regional space but it may also enforce preexisting disconnections and so potentially lead to more fragmentation.

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Rüland, Jürgen & Michael, Arndt (2019): Overlapping regionalism and cooperative hegemony: how China and India compete in South and Southeast. In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol 32 (2): 178-200.

This article examines the phenomenon of overlapping regionalism in South and Southeast Asia. Theoretically it rests on Thomas Pedersen's ideational-institutionalist realism' approach. We argue that in the two sub-regions under study the proliferation of regional organizations has been greatly stimulated by hegemonic and counter-hegemonic dynamics involving Asia's largest powers, China and India. We claim that sceptical world views highlighting vulnerability, victimization and national survival are deeply entrenched in the mental maps of the region's foreign policy elites. Regional institution building is thus informed by the tenets of realism. We trace how and why China and India seek to establish 'cooperative hegemonies' by building regional institutions for incorporating their neighbours into their sphere of influence while keeping rival powers at bay, and also show why smaller states in the region join these regional fora. 

panke 2017 studying small states in international security affairs. cambridge review of international affairs

Crawford, Gordon & Simonida Kacarska (2019): Aid sanctions and political conditionality: continuity and change. In: Journal of International Relations and Development, Vol 22 (1): 184-214. [Online First: 08 June 2017].

Political conditionality was first introduced by Western governments into their development aid policy a quarter of a century ago, threatening to invoke aid sanctions in the event of human rights abuses or democratic regression in aid recipient countries. This paper examines how political conditionality has evolved in the subsequent years and analyses what has changed and why. It does so through a review of sanctions cases in the EU and the US aid from 2000 to date, with discussion located within the post-2000 international environment in which foreign policy and aid policy are situated. The paper focuses on three regions: sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and North Africa, and Central Asia. Patterns of change and continuity are identified in relation to how political conditionality has been implemented. Our findings are that political conditionality remains a significant policy tool, contrary to the perception that its use has declined. However, while selectivity and inconsistency in policy application continue, security interests have become a more prominent explanatory factor in the post-2000 period. Indeed, the initial normative agenda of political conditionality as a tool for the promotion of democracy and human rights, as stated in policy rhetoric, has been replaced by its use as an instrument to promote Western security interests in line with the securitisation of development.


Weber, Anne-Kathrin (2018):The Revival of the Honourable Merchant?Analysing private forest governance at firm level. In: International Environmental Agreements, Vol. 18 (4): 619-634 .

In the context of global climate governance, multinational corporations (MNCs) are increasingly seen as financial, technical and political partners. Looking at MNCs with core business activities linked to deforestation, this article analyses private governance activities focused on sustainability that occur at firm level. These activities include newly enacted, concrete policies and activities aimed at climate protection, such as the concept of carbon insetting. The current body of the literature on global governance focuses largely on collective action, with activities at firm level still under-researched and under-conceptualized. To better understand (a) what drives MNCs to undertake such activities and (b) why their performance differs both within and between industry sectors, three motives are proposed—preventing reputational damage, building resilience and assuming ethical responsibility—with the latter indicating a revival of the Honourable Merchant, an economic role model created in the early 16th century. The empirical analysis is, therefore, embedded in a theoretical framework that seeks to capture the complexity of corporate rationality.

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Panke, Diana & Gurol, Julia (2018): Small States as Agenda Setters? The Council Presidencies of Malta and Estonia. In: Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 56 (1): 142-151.

The Council Presidency is an important office rotating biannually amongst EU members. In 2017, two small states, Malta and Estonia, held this position. Being the Council Presidency resembles a window of opportunity for small states to pursue core interests in setting the EU’s political agenda and leaving national imprints on EU policy. This article examines similarities and differences of how these states approached their respective Council Presidencies. Although Malta is smaller, it was less selective and pursued a broader array of priorities than Estonia. Consequently, the latter succeeded in being recognized as leading country in digitalization and managed to trigger corresponding policy innovation in the EU. Malta also influenced the EU’s agenda but focused less on one particular policy field as a consequence of which, its impact stands less out. This suggests that smaller states are better off in concentrating their efforts on a limited number of priorities.


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Piper, Nicola & Rother, Stefan & Rüland, Jürgen (2018): Challenging State Sovereignty in the Age of Migration. Concluding Remarks. In: European Journal of East Asian Studies, Vol. 17 (1): 118-133.

The multi-level dimension of migration governance is gaining increasing attention – and that includes the regional and sub-regional level. As a contribution to this research, Nicola Piper, Jürge.n Rüland and Stefan Rother have guest edited a two-part special Issue for the European Journal of East Asian studies (EJEAS). The theme is “Challenging State Sovereignty: A Multi-level Approach to Southeast and East Asian Migration” and the topics of the articles range from “Mobility Norms in Free Trade Agreements” to the migration industry, securitization of migrant, refugee protection, migrant domestic workers as agents of development and pilgrimage migration to Mecca. The seven empirical studies in this Special Issue thus examine current political, economic, social and legal dimensions of migration in Southeast Asia from an interdisciplinary perspective, linking the discussion of the migration–sovereignty nexus to ‘regional migration regimes’, ‘the transnational–national intersection’ and ‘grass-roots responses’. The common message that emerges from the papers in this issue — that state sovereignty in the area of migration is being challenged from multiple levels — leads us to argue for a future research agenda which would align the study of sovereignty more closely with governance studies as well as studies on norm diffusion. Such an agenda would contribute new insights into emerging forms of sovereignty beyond the confines of the state.

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Mehler, Andreas & Glawion, Tim & de Vries, Lotje (2018): Handle with Care! A Qualitative Comparison of the Fragile States Index's Bottom Three Countries: Central African Republic, Somalia and South Sudan. In: Development and Change.

For the past four years, the Fund for Peace has ranked the Central African Republic, Somalia and South Sudan as the ‘most fragile states’ in the world, in its annual Fragile States Index (FSI). The three countries’ almost identical scores suggest comparability; however, critics raise concerns about the FSI's data aggregation methods, and its conflation of causes and consequences. This article treads the uncharted path of unpacking the empirical realities that hide behind FSI indicators. Drawing on data collected during field research in the three states, the authors investigate three security indicators (security apparatus, factionalized elites, and external intervention) and propose an alternative, qualitative appreciation. Each country's fragility is based on how security forces, elites and interventions evolved over time and installed themselves differently in each region of the country. The qualitative assessment presented here shows that not every indicator matters in all cases at all times or throughout the country. Most crucially, the authors unveil enormous differences between and within the FSI's three ‘most fragile states’. Such variations call for better‐adapted and more flexible intervention strategies, and for quantitative comparisons to be qualitatively grounded.


Rother, Stefan (2018): Angry birds of passage - migrant rights networks and counter-hegemonic resistance to global migration discourses. In: Globalizations, Vol. 15 (6): 854-869.

The past decade has seen the emergence of a global migration governance architecture. But while – unlike other ‘objects’ of global governance – migrants are able to speak for themselves, only limited participatory space has been reserved for them in global processes. In reaction to this glaring democratic deficit, migrant organizations try to challenge and bring about change in the nascent global migration regime. Drawing from neo-Gramscian approaches, this paper analyses the various political spaces where a cluster of migrant rights organizations and ‘networks of networks’ express and organize resistance and counter-hegemonic discourses to the current paradigms within global migration governance. Particularly, this article focuses on two spaces of organizing: the International Assembly of Migrants and Refugees (IAMR), held by the International Migrants Alliance (IMA), and the Churches Witnessing With Migrants (CWWM) wherein temporary labour migrants, often referred to as ‘birds of passage’, form a large part of their constituency.


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Panke, Diana, Stapel, Sören (2018) Exploring Overlapping Regionalism. In: Journal of International Relations and Development, Vol. 21 (3): 635-662.

Overlapping regionalism results from the fact that states are members in multiple regional organization (RO) at the same time. This explorative paper provides the first comprehensive mapping of overlapping regionalism today and illustrates that it is not confined to Africa or Asia, but also prevalent in the Americas and Europe. Furthermore, all 62 ROs currently in place have overlaps to one another, but some are more interdependent than others. The paper examines why states are in more than one RO at a time and why the extent of overlaps varies between ROs. Since overlapping regionalism can have negative implications for the effectiveness of individual regional integration projects, due to the possibility or rule and action-conflicts, this paper not only maps the conflict potential, but also examines why overlapping regionalism varies. The paper shows that overlapping regionalism is driven by both, opportunities and incentives. While there are global pattern, such as the finding that RO dyads have greater overlaps, the stronger their institutional similarities and the longer they have coexisted, some regional particularities exist as well.

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Panke, Diana, Stapel, Sören (2018): Overlapping Regionalism in Europe - Patterns and Effects. In: British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 20 (1): 239-258.

European states have not only joined several regional organizations (ROs) over time, but ROs’ policy competencies have also broadened in scope. As a result, states are exposed to overlapping regionalism, defined as the extent to which ROs share member states and policy competencies at the same time. First, this article identifies patterns of overlapping regionalism in Europe. In second step, it sheds light on consequences from overlapping regionalism for RO effectiveness, more particularly non-compliance. We argue that an increase in the extent to which a member state is exposed to overlapping regionalism increases its probability for violations of RO norms and rules, which reduces RO effectiveness. When states have joined more ROs with similar policy competencies, the number of rules and norms that need to be complied with is higher. Non-compliance also becomes more likely when these rules and norms are not identical or even incompatible.

2018 panke, stapel _overlapping regionalism in europe _british journal of politics and int’l relations

Rüland, Jürgen (2018): Coping with crisis: Southeast Asian regionalism and the ideational constraints of reform. In: Asia Europe Journal, Vol. 16 (2): 155-168.

The key argument of this article is that during serious crises and external shocks, societal actors do not necessarily follow the predictions of theories on ideational change. This literature argues that crises and external shocks spur ideational change as expectations associated with the old order are no longer met. A study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) shows that the Asian financial crisis of 1997/1998 stimulated a reform debate but that this discourse did not facilitate paradigmatic changes in the region’s repository of cooperation norms. What at first sight appeared to be an accelerating Europeanization of Southeast Asian regionalism proved to be a process involving the retention of major elements of the region’s “cognitive prior.” New ideas of regional integration have at best been emulated or localized, but have not led to a thorough transformation of Southeast Asian cooperation norms. This must be attributed to the entrenched nature of the region’s cognitive prior epitomized by the worldviews of political decision-makers who regard the external world as essentially hostile. This belief has been reproduced many times in the political experiences of the region’s foreign policy elites—not least by the Asian Financial Crisis—thus confirming the ideational orthodoxy that national sovereignty provides the best protection for nation states. A deepening of regional integration is faced with major ideational obstacles under these conditions.


Schütze, Benjamin (2018): Marketing parliament: The constitutive effects of external attempts at parliamentary strengthening in Jordan. In: Cooperation and Conflict, online first, April 23.

The Jordanian parliament is widely recognised as a patronage provider and means for authoritarian upgrading. Despite, or precisely because of this, it has over the past years become a linchpin of US and European attempts at parliamentary strengthening. The parliament’s highly marginalised position notwithstanding, this article suggests that such efforts provide us with an insightful opportunity to better understand the reconfiguration of authoritarian power via external intervention in the name of democracy. Discussing the contradictory effects of parliamentary strengthening programmes in Jordan, the article tries to shift the discussion of democracy promotion away from a concern with policy, conceptual debates and intentions to one with democracy promotion’s constitutive effects. As such, the article investigates the framing of Jordanian politics within a market rationale as central mechanism for the de-politicisation of uneven power relations. Further, it explores the ways in which democracy promotion serves to seemingly reconfirm interveners’ desired self-understandings via the maintenance of assumptions of cultural ‘difference’. Ultimately, it is suggested that decentring the study of democracy promotion by paying more attention to its constitutive effects provides us with a better understanding of why and how increasing democracy promotion portfolios have, in Jordan, had the effect of strengthening authoritarianism.


Michael, Arndt (2018): Realist‐Constructivism and the India–Pakistan Conflict: A New Theoretical Approach for an Old Rivalry. In: Asian Politics & Policy, Vol. 10 (1): 100-114.

The India–Pakistan conflict, one of the oldest unresolved interstate conflicts in the world, began in 1947 and has shown no signs of abating. Both realist and constructivist interpretations have offered several differing explanations as to the roots and persistence of this conflict. The article argues that a realist‐constructivist approach as suggested by Samuel Barkin provides a new and better angle for explaining the genesis, evolution, and persistence of the India–Pakistan conflict, in addition to allowing prediction of future developments. Importantly, realist‐constructivism combines several different analytical dimensions: It looks at the way in which power structures affect patterns of normative change in international relations and, conversely, the way in which a particular set of norms affects power structures. Both these dimensions have been overlooked as variables that can explain why it will be difficult to come up with lasting solutions for the India–Pakistan conflict.

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Panke, Diana & Petersohn, Ulrich (2017): President Donald J. Trump - an agent of norm death? In: International Journal, Vol. 72 (4): 571-578.

Since his inauguration, US President Donald Trump has made news by violating international and domestic norms, such as norms of diplomatic communication or the non-discrimination norm. This paper uses theoretical approaches to norm eradication in order to examine whether President Trump has turned into an effective agent of norm death leading to the abolition of domestic and international standards of appropriateness. It discusses how the precision of the respective norms, the stability of their contexts, and the actions of norm proponents have played out. This reveals that President Trump’s actions have so far lacked effectiveness, and have not led to norm death. The longevity of challenged norms cannot be taken for granted, however—especially if the challenger is a powerful actor. In order to avoid norm death under this circumstance, it is essential that norm proponents possess capacities and competencies to act, and employ them to defend challenged norms.


panke, petersohn 2017 president donald j. trump - an agent of norm death? international journal

Panke, Diana (2017): Regional Actors in International Security Negotiations. In: European Journal for Security Research, Vol. 2 (1): 5-21.

Since the end of WWII, states have formed several international organizations dealing with international peace and security issues. Among them are the Security Council, the Conference on Disarmament, the Arms Trade Treaty regime, and the First Committee of the United Nations General Assembly. Although regional actors, such as Economic Community of West African States, European Union or the Arab League, are at best observers in those international security organizations (ISO), their member states frequently get active on their behalf. This paper examines how regional actors engage in ISO negotiations. It shows that not all regional actors are equally vocal in the negotiations, which is puzzling given that negotiation activity is important for negotiation success. To explain the variance in regional actor vocality, this paper draws on international conflict and cooperation theories and develops hypotheses on activity of regional actors in international negotiations, which are tested with quantitative methods. It is striking that even in the traditionally state-dominated policy field ‘security’, regional actors are vocal and are, thus, contributing to the creation of international peace architectures. However, the role of regional actors varies, depending on the characteristics of the negotiation arena and of the regional actors themselves.


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Panke, Diana & Lang, Stefan & Wiedemann, Anke (2017): State & Regional Actors in Complex Governance Systems. Exploring Dynamics of International Negotiations. In: The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 19 (1): 91-112.

Over the last decades, the number of international organizations (IOs) and regional groups (RGs) increased tremendously, and states are now simultaneously members of several RGs and IOs. This article inquiries how states act in settings of complexly nested and overlapping institutions on the regional and international levels. How frequently do states voice regional positions in international negotiations and why are some more active in this respect than others? Why are some RGs more vocal than others? Multiple state memberships in RGs foster the regionalization of international negotiation dynamics via burden-sharing mechanisms. In addition, state capacity and power, the age and policy scope of RGs and the institutional design of IOs also shape negotiation dynamics. This article concludes with reflections on implications of regionalized international negotiations for the efficiency and legitimacy of governance beyond the nation-state.

2017 panke, wiedemann, lang _state and regional actors in complex gov systems _bjpir

Crawford, Gordon & Gabriel Botchwey (2017): Conflict, collusion and corruption in small-scale gold mining: Chinese miners and the state in Ghana. In: Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, Vol. 55 (4): 444-470.

As gold prices soared from 2008 onwards, tens of thousands of foreign miners, especially from China, entered the small-scale mining sector in Ghana, despite it being ‘reserved for Ghanaian citizens’ by law. A free-for-all ensued in which Ghanaian and Chinese miners engaged in both contestation and collaboration over access to gold, a situation described as ‘out of control’ and a ‘culture of impunity’. Where was the state? This paper addresses the question of how and why pervasive and illicit foreign involvement occurred without earlier state intervention. Findings indicate that the state was not absent. Foreign miners operated with impunity precisely because they were protected by those in authority, that is, public officials, politicians and chiefs, in return for private payments. Explaining why state institutions failed in their responsibilities leads to reflection about the contemporary state in Ghana. It is concluded that the informality and corruption characteristic of neopatrimonialism remains predominant over legal–rational structures, albeit in a form that has adapted to neoliberal restructuring. Public office remains a means of private enrichment rather than public service. Such findings cast a shadow over the state and government in Ghana, and tarnish its celebration as a model of democratic governance for Africa.



Crawford, Gordon & Aijan Sharshenova (2017): Undermining Western democracy promotion in Central Asia: China’s countervailing influences, powers and impact. In: Central Asian Survey, Vol. 36 (4): 453-472.

This article examines whether and to what extent China’s involvement in Central Asian countries undermines the democracy promotion efforts of the European Union and the United States. Findings confirm that China does indeed challenge Western efforts, but in an indirect way. First, Chinese provision of substantial and unconditional financial assistance makes Western politically conditioned aid appear both ungenerous and an infringement of sovereignty. Second, the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation, inclusive of China’s leadership role, creates an institutional means through which the (semi-)authoritarianism of member states is legitimized and challenges Western emphasis on democracy and human rights. Finally, by the power of its own example, China demonstrates that democracy is not a prerequisite for prosperity, the rule of law and social well-being.



Brazys, Samuel & Kaarbo, Juliet & Panke, Diana (2017): Foreign Policy Change and International Norms: A Conceptual Framework. In: International Politics, Vol. 54 (6): 659-668. 

Foreign policy change (FPC) is an important topic and has therefore attracted much scholarly attention. Yet, the literature has largely overlooked how FPC is related to international norms. This special issue seeks to add value to the field of foreign policy analysis by strengthening the empirical literature linking FPC and international norms. The papers in this issue tease out the intervening factors in facilitating the relationship between foreign policy change and the international norm. The introductory article introduces the conceptual framework which draws on both the structure–agency and “push–pull” debates to provide the cohesive analytical structure for the issue.


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Brazys, Samuel & Panke, Diana (2017): Why do states change positions in the United Nations General Assembly? In: International Political Science Review, Vol. 38 (1): 70-84.

Many international organizations deal with repeated items on their agendas. The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) is no exception as many of its resolutions reoccur over time. A novel dataset on UNGA voting on repeated resolutions reveals considerable, but variable, amounts of change on resolutions by states over time. To shed light on underlying causes for voting (in)consistency, this paper draws on IR literature on negotiations and foreign policy changes to develop hypotheses on the role of domestic and international constraints. Our findings suggest that states with limited financial capacity cannot develop their own, principled, voting positions on all norms on the negotiation agenda. Consequently, these states can be more flexible in adjusting their voting position for reoccurring IO norms and are more prone to change their positions over time. Moreover, states with constrained decision-makers change position less frequently due to pluralistic gridlock. Finally, while large and rich states make a small number of purposive vote shifts, poor and aid-recipient states engage in ‘serial shifting’ on the same resolutions, a finding suggestive of vote-buying. The prevalence of position changes suggests that the international norm environment may be more fragile and susceptible to a revisionist agenda than is commonly assumed.


brazys, panke 2017 why do states change positions in the un general assembly?

Panke, Diana (2017): Studying Small States in International Security Affairs. A Quantitative Analysis. In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol. 30 (2-3): 235-255.

Todays’ international security architecture composed of international security treaties and international security norms has been established and formalized by negotiations. Owing to the great importance of international security negotiations for international security practices, this paper sheds light on negotiation activities. A study of 100 different international security negotiations shows that states vary considerably with respect to their negotiation activity. Some countries voice positions very often, while others remain completely silent. This is puzzling, as active negotiation participation is an expression of state sovereignty and a means to influence the shape of the international security architecture. The article distinguishes between capacity and incentives as driving forces of state activity in international security negotiations. The analysis reveals that, next to political and financial capacities, states that place high priority on military matters are more active, while smaller and poorer states are more likely to shelter under the security umbrella of larger counterparts.


panke 2017 studying small states in international security affairs. cambridge review of international affairs

Schütze, Benjamin (2017): Simulating, marketing, and playing war: US–Jordanian military collaboration and the politics of commercial security. In: Security Dialogue, Vol. 48 (5): 431-450.

The King Abdullah II Special Operations Training Center (KASOTC) was financed and established by the US Department of Defense, is operated by a US private business, and is owned by the Jordanian army. It not only offers a base for the training of international Special Forces and Jordanian border guards, but also for military adventure holidays, corporate leadership programs, and stunt training for actors. This article provides an analysis of the processes and technologies involved in US–Jordanian military collaboration by investigating some of the ways in which war is simulated, marketed, and played at KASOTC. Particular focus is paid to the stark biopolitical judgments about the different worth of human subjects and their role in intersecting processes of militarization and commercialization. The article argues that US–Jordanian military collaboration at KASOTC is marked by the simultaneous blurring and reinforcement of boundaries, as commercial security is moralized and imagined moral hierarchies marketized. While war at KASOTC is an interactive and consumable event for some, it engenders deadly realities for others. The article is an empirically-grounded contribution to critical security studies based on interviews and observations made during a visit to KASOTC in early 2013.